Wednesday, July 29, 2015

Blog Restructuring





               I had thought about restructuring the theme of the blog of a few weeks now, especially after realizing that most of the people who enjoyed reading the blog told me that they thought it was broader than simply “American” history.  Originally I had intended for the blog to be exclusive to my area of expertise, which is the history of American Communism as a movement and organized political system in North America from the late 19th century up to the present.  Since then, however, I have found that the real purpose of a blog is to simply present yourself and your work how you would do so publicly.  As such, I have decided to undergo some thematic restructuring.
                The first major change is the name, which I have chosen based on some suggestions to be “The Red Historian.”  This personalizes the blog, makes it clear that it’s me making the statements and arguments and not some broad peer-reviewed consensus of what is or what is not “American Communism.”  The next major change is the type of posts that will be submitted to the blog.  In keeping with a changing attitude about history as a “book discipline,” I am going to start publishing more generalized articles about history that would otherwise serve well in a journal.  This is not to say that peer-reviewed journals are not a good thing; they very much are.  It is important for scholars and academics to continue to utilize the fellowship community as a means for perfecting our own understandings; but we should not expect the general public to do the same.
                The average citizen is either unaware of or incapable of paying the dues for the existing academic, peer-reviewed journals.  Some of the most important journals in the field of historical materialism ironically (or perhaps hypocritically) charge some of the most astronomical fees just to get a glimpse at the high intellectualism of Marxism and Left History.  More and more these journals relegate themselves to the confines of the academy, and rarely are attempts made to breach their studies into the broad masses.  That is where the individual historian and the blog format come in.  While intellectuals and academics continue to engage with one another in their own spheres of peer-reviewed publications, they should also serve society at large by publishing and releasing (for free) their thoughts and views on various topics.  This can help bridge the discussions currently relegated to the Ivory Tower into the broader streams of society.
                I hope this change will be welcomed by those who already read this blog, and hopefully people will be equally supportive of this call to fellow scholars.  Let’s make start education in the 21st century right…by remembering who we’re learning all of this stuff for; because it certainly isn’t just ourselves.

Tuesday, July 28, 2015

Book Review: Gabrieli's Arab Historians of the Crusades




                The first time I read Francesco Gabrieli’s Arab Historians of the Crusades, it was for a graduate-level History of Islam course at CSU Pomona.  Like most books read for courses, I dissected the book so that it could be studied quickly and rigorously; but not to the extent that I tried to genuinely take in Gabrieli’s overall purpose.  At the onset, such an endeavor seems almost impossible:  Gabrieli wrote very little for the text—it is more-or-less a collection of historical documents presented in a particular fashion by Gabrieli to convey an “other side” perspective on the Crusades for the average Western reader.  First published in 1957, the book is riddled with Eurocentrism and a consistent portrayal of Islam as “outside” Western civilization (despite, by the 1950s, its heavy entrenchment in various parts of Western and Eastern Europe, as well as the growing population of Muslims in the United States).  Despite this shortcoming, however, the book effectively depicts the key sources necessary to link an over-arching historiography of the crusades that includes Arab authors.
                Part of Gabrieli’s depiction of Islam is the style and prose of Arab authors with regard to history, and how these divergences from the typical European historical narrative highlight cultural differences between two sets of sources covering the same material.  The most iconic difference is that while histories of the Crusades are far-reaching and popular, Arab historians’ account of the conflict do not fit so neatly into their own private histories.  Instead, depictions of Frankish invasions into the Muslim lands were “always incorporated into the customary literary forms, given their place in annals recording general history.”[i]  As such, Gabrieli’s choice in displaying Arab historians’ take on the Crusades as an amalgam of various depictions of general Islamic history is both necessary and enlightening for the Western reader—who likely considers the Crusades an isolated event within the over-arching history of Western Civilization.  In his own words, a history of the Crusades from the works of Arab historians functions “by juxtaposing and interweaving material from the various types of historical writing of the period.”[ii]
                Another major feature of Gabrieli’s work is his focus on the Third Crusade and the rule of Saladin up through 1192.  This stems from two points desired by the author.  The first is that there is more of a comparative analysis possible between Western and Arab historians on the Third Crusade than there are of the earlier events.  The second is that, according to Gabrieli, the peace negotiations in the final months of the crusade offer polemics not mentioned in earlier accounts; specifically the “military reprisals” emphasized by quoting the Qur’an.  By examining sources covering the peace negotiations, Gabrieli hopes to draw attention to the fact that peace between Christian and Muslim armies were detested by the vast majority of Muslim citizens living under the rule of Saladin.
                Overall, Gabrieli’s collection of writings is a must-read for Western writers and enthusiasts of the Crusades, particularly to get an outsider view of what is more-than-likely already-known details.  But it also offers a more general conceptualization of history as a duality between conquerors and the conquered.  We often hear the phrase “history is written by the winners,” but the Crusades stand out as an exception to this archaic rule:  Christianity did not succeed in its endeavors, but has nevertheless had the most profound influence in shaping the history of the Crusades throughout Western society in written memory.  Gabrieli’s collection gives testament to the duality of narrative, and challenges the conviction that history can and is remembered only by those who achieve the most.


[i] Gabrieli, Francesco.  Arab Historians of the Crusades (University of California Press, 1963) xiv
[ii] Ibid, xv

Monday, July 27, 2015

Book Review: Westad's The Global Cold War





                Ideology can play a huge role in historical narrative, but rarely does ideology become the theory upon which the history is grounded.  World renowned historian of the Cold War and the 20th century, Odd Arne Westad, tackled ideology as the linchpin of Cold War agency and causality with his book The Global Cold War (Cambridge University Press, 2007).  The tradition of world history got a unique experience with Westad’s work; a narrative where ideology—not nationalism, not military strategy, not economic conditions—took center stage as the catalyst for activity by the two dominant superpowers from 1945-1991.  Westad achieved this perspective by widening the lens of Cold War history, which he believed was and is “still generally assumed to have been a contest between two superpowers over military power and strategic control, mostly centered on Europe.”[i]  By a widened lens, I mean the investigation of aspects of the Cold War that “were neither military nor strategic, nor Europe-centered, but connected to political and social development in the Third World.”[ii]  It is only by this shift—from the First and Second worlds to the Third—that we are able to see the importance of ideology with regard to world history in the post-WWII contemporary period.
                The Cold War is commonly seen as a unique, or new type of conflict.  Cold in the sense that it is not a hot war like World War II; War in the sense that there existed an obvious conflict between dominant groups.  Ideology was never ignored, it should be known, by previous historians and scholars of the Cold War—but it never took primary agency.  With ideology as the cause and rational explanation for agency among counterpoised groups (Communist and non-Communist regimes), Westad suggested that the Cold War was, in fact, a much more common story.  In his own words:
“In a historical sense—and especially as seen from the South—the Cold War was a continuation of colonialism through slightly different means.  As a process of conflict, it centered on control and domination, primarily in ideological terms.  The methods of the superpowers and of their local allies were remarkably similar to those honed during the last phase of European colonialism: giant social and economic projects, bringing promises of modernity to their supporters and mostly death to their opponents or those who happened to get in the way of progress.”[iii]
By South, Westad referred to the Southern Hemisphere of the world, which for the most part remained relegated to the Third World throughout the 20th century.  The South, Westad contended, was historically left out of Cold War histories because of previous scholars’ contention that the Cold War as a narrative “conceptually and analytically does not belong in the South”—a contention that Westad finds false for two primary reasons.
                The first reason for the relocation of agency in the Cold War rested on Westad’s observation of “interventionism” by Soviet and US governments and the profound influences these actions had on the social development of Third World cultures and people.  Interventions by both superpowers “shaped both the international and the domestic framework within which political, social, and cultural changes in the Third World took place.”  However, Westad rests his logic on the counterfactual presumption that “Africa, Asia, and possibly Latin America would have been very different regions today” had it not been for the interventionism of the Cold War.[iv]  The second reason for the agency shift is a much more palatable one:  That ruling elites in the Third World used the United States and the Soviet Union as models upon which to judge, rationalize, and implement “high modernity.”
                This second contention shares many philosophical tints as my own perspective on the Cold War, which is a vying of control by two similar but ideologically divided forms of the modern Republic (something I call the State-Form thesis).  The “state-forms” generated in the consciousness of citizens and foreign cultures existed as abstract models by which the rest of the world was expected to conform.  The dialectical struggle between West and East would result in a victory of one state-form over the other.  The battleground for this struggle, however, was the Third World.  The cultivation of high modernism by Third World nations was their means for legitimizing rule and take the supposedly correct steps toward international development and integration into the world economic order.  David Harvey explained this concept of high modernism, and was also quoted by Westad in his conclusion:
“High modernism is the belief in linear progress, absolute truths, and rational planning of ideals and social orders under standardized conditions of knowledge and production.”[v]
Rather than see the Cold War period as a unique segment of world history however (which my State-Form thesis does seek to do), Westad saw the Cold War as a component of the longue durée history that we more commonly understand as European hegemony and domination.
                Westad’s text, which uses interventionism as a primary crux, sees the actions of the Soviet and US governments as extensions of civil wars; where ideology is the dividing line between civil forces.  This is chiefly because “the extraordinary brutality of Cold War interventions…can only be explained by Soviet and American identification with the people they sought to defend.”[vi]  Iconic examples mentioned in the text are Vietnam and Afghansitan, but also include conflicts from Africa and Southeast Asia, such as intervention in the Congo in 1960 and the actions taken against Sukarno in Indonesia.  All of these conflicts can be understood individually, but the Cold War as a whole cannot be understood without incorporating these smaller histories of struggle which were defined by the ideological confrontation of East Versus West.
                It would be great to see Westad’s argument extended to a logical conclusion—a linking of Cold War narratives with the histories of colonialism to generate a “Long Cold War” narrative.  For those interested in knowing the harsher, and in many cases more realistic, side of the Cold War….look no further than Westad’s The Global Cold War.


[i] Westad, Odd Arne.  The Global Cold War (Cambridge University Press, 2007), 396
[ii] Ibid
[iii] Ibid
[iv] Ibid, 3
[v] Harvey, David.  Quoted in Westad, 397
[vi] Westad, 5